Michigan

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Senator Bernie Sanders scored an upset win in the Michigan Democratic primary, according to the Associated Press, threatening to prolong a Democratic campaign that Hillary Clinton appeared to have all but locked up last week.

While strengthening Mr. Sanders’s hand as the race turns to a series of large states next week, his victory in Michigan did not drastically alter Mrs. Clinton’s delegate lead, as she won overwhelmingly in Mississippi, crushing Mr. Sanders among African-American voters.

On the Republican side, Donald J. Trump easily dispatched his rivals in Michigan and Mississippi, regaining momentum in the face of intensifying resistance to his campaign among party leaders.

After losing to Senator Ted Cruz on Saturday in Kansas and Maine, Mr. Trump needed one of his biggest performances of the campaign to tamp down doubts about his popularity after a week of gaffes, missteps and questions about the strength of his political organization.

And he got one, demonstrating his appeal with working-class white voters in Michigan, an important battleground state, while beating back especially stiff challenges from Gov. John Kasich of Ohio there and from Mr. Cruz in Mississippi.

Mr. Trump, plugging several of his business interests in a victory speech that seemed straight out of QVC, crowed about having prevailed despite “$38 million worth of horrible lies” in advertising and other attacks by his rivals.

“There’s only one person who did well tonight: Donald Trump,” he said in Jupiter, Fla., at one of his golf resorts. He also mocked Mr. Cruz. “He’s always saying, ‘I’m the only one that can beat Trump,’ ” Mr. Trump said, imitating his rival, but adding: “He rarely beats me.”

Mr. Sanders badly needed a victory to demonstrate that he is still viable even though he has fallen far behind Mrs. Clinton in the race to amass the 2,323 delegates needed to win the Democratic nomination.

Mr. Sanders’s Michigan triumph also offered much-needed proof that he could win over voters in the populous, racially diverse swing states where the eventual Democratic nominee will need victories in November.

Still, Mrs. Clinton’s advisers predicted that she would net more delegates from Tuesday’s primaries than Mr. Sanders because of Mrs. Clinton’s landslide victories in predominantly black parts of Mississippi, because of proportional voting.

Mrs. Clinton, addressing supporters in Cleveland, did not mention the Mississippi or Michigan results, instead alluding to the vitriol in the Republican field. “As the rhetoric keeps sinking lower, the stakes in this election keep rising higher,” she said. Running for president, she said, “shouldn’t be about delivering insults; it should be about delivering results.”

But it was almost as if her speech did not happen: Not one of the major cable news networks carried her remarks, which came as Mr. Trump was speaking.

The emphatic victories by Mr. Trump were a sharp turnabout from his difficult weekend and suggested that his stumbles in recent days had not done substantial damage to his campaign. He continued his dominance among low-income voters in Michigan and Mississippi but, in a foreboding sign for Mr. Cruz, also narrowly won among white evangelicals in both states.

Interactive Feature | Primary Results

If Tuesday offered a reminder of Mr. Trump’s enduring appeal, it was nothing short of devastating for Senator Marco Rubio of Florida. After slipping to third or fourth place in the states that voted Saturday, Mr. Rubio collapsed on Tuesday, finishing well behind his three rivals in Michigan and Mississippi and calling into question how much longer he will be able to stay in the race.

Despite her victory over Mr. Sanders in Mississippi, the latest in a string across the South fueled by overwhelming black support, Mrs. Clinton was more concerned about the outcome in Michigan and denying the Vermont senator any momentum coming out of the primary there. Mr. Sanders, who won white voters in Michigan and is targeting them in coming Rust Belt primaries, has been sharply attacking Mrs. Clinton over her past support for free trade agreements, while she has aggressively questioned his support for the 2009 bailout of the auto industry.

Results indicated that Mrs. Clinton was the overwhelming favorite of African-Americans in Michigan, who were expected to make up around 20 percent of the Democratic electorate.

For Mr. Sanders, Michigan represented a potential turning point in his campaign. He badly needed a victory to provide much-needed political momentum heading into Ohio and Illinois next week, and to demonstrate that he is still viable even though he has fallen far behind Mrs. Clinton in the race to amass the 2,323 delegates needed to win the Democratic nomination.

But Mr. Sanders has yet to show that he can prevail in several of the populous, racially diverse swing states that the Democratic nominee will seek to win in November, while Mrs. Clinton has done so in states like Nevada and Virginia. For their part, Clinton advisers predicted that they would net more delegates from Tuesday’s primaries than Mr. Sanders because of Mrs. Clinton’s landslide victories in predominantly black parts of Mississippi.

The results in Michigan were expected to offer clues to Mr. Trump’s fortunes in Ohio and Florida, which could energize or end the campaigns of Mr. Kasich and Mr. Rubio. Mr. Trump, the Republican front-runner, was aiming not only for victory in Michigan, but also for a muddled outcome for his three rivals, so that none could convincingly claim to be the strongest alternative to him.

Mr. Trump’s clear victory in Mississippi, one of four states voting Tuesday, showed that he remains the Republican favorite for the nomination and enjoys a fiercely loyal core of support. But the Republican opposition to Mr. Trump’s candidacy is just as sturdy, and there are signs that it is widening.

If the anti-Trump forces are to break his grip on the party, their last chance may be next week, when Ohio and Florida vote and Mr. Kasich and Mr. Rubio put their candidacies on the line in their home states. If Mr. Trump does not win those two states, it will be difficult for him, or any other candidate, to capture the nomination before Republicans gather for their convention in Cleveland this July.

The results on Tuesday, including Republicans contests in Idaho and Hawaii, were bound to offer important insights about just how vulnerable Mr. Trump now is — and whether a Republican Party desperate to stop him can push the race to the floor of the party’s convention this summer.

Even before the votes were counted, there were new signs that resistance to Mr. Trump’s candidacy within his own party was growing. The number of Republicans viewing him unfavorably spiked to 46 percent in a Washington Post-ABC poll released Tuesday, the highest figure recorded in that survey since Mr. Trump entered the race last year.

He has been hurt by what has effectively been the first sustained assault from his rivals and third-party groups about his business dealings as well as by self-inflicted wounds — notably his initial hesitation to disavow the support of a white supremacist figure, David Duke, and his boasting about his sexual endowment at last week’s debate.

After appearing to be running away with the race following three consecutive wins last month, Mr. Trump has also made the nomination fight more competitive by refusing to build the sort of sophisticated organization that would reflect the seriousness of his candidacy.

He was able to overcome his reliance on a skeletal campaign when the race was largely sequenced one state at a time and he could rely on the momentum gained from each new victory. But now that the contests are coming in weekly clusters, his lack of infrastructure is haunting him: He lost two of the three states holding organization-intensive caucuses last Saturday.

Perhaps just as consequential, Mr. Trump has been hurt by the decline of the candidate whom he attacked with such relish in recent weeks: Mr. Rubio — or, as Mr. Trump has called him, “Little Marco.”

With Mr. Rubio reaching a high-water mark of just 17 percent in the four states that voted on Saturday, his voters apparently moved to Mr. Cruz. The Texas senator won two caucuses, in Kansas and Maine, and narrowly lost to Mr. Trump in Kentucky and Louisiana, the sort of conservative-leaning Southern states that Mr. Trump dominated just four days earlier on Super Tuesday.

Mr. Trump, however, was competing on more favorable terms this week. Three of four states voting Tuesday held primaries, rather than caucuses, and the two biggest delegate prizes, Michigan and Mississippi, had open voting, meaning that the Republican contest was not limited only to Republicans.

But Mr. Trump was facing late threats in both Michigan and Mississippi. Mr. Kasich spent much of the last month with Michigan all to himself, as his rivals campaigned elsewhere. And Mr. Rubio’s fade benefited Mr. Kasich in Michigan, as mainstream Republicans there appeared to drift toward the Ohio governor.

There was less campaigning in Mississippi, but Mr. Cruz made a late push there by holding a rally in the Jackson area, and he picked up the endorsement of the state’s governor, Phil Bryant.

Democratic delegates are awarded proportionally based on the candidates’ vote shares, and Democratic-leaning states and areas — like predominantly black cities and towns — tend to have the most delegates up for grabs. Advisers to both Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Sanders expected a fairly even split of delegates in Michigan but a big Clinton haul in Mississippi, which would expand the significant lead that Mrs. Clinton already had over Mr. Sanders.

Heading into Tuesday’s contests, Mrs. Clinton had 672 pledged delegates (the result of primary and caucus wins) to Mr. Sanders’s 477. In addition, she has support from 458 superdelegates — party leaders and elected officials who count toward the nomination — to 22 for Mr. Sanders. Superdelegates can switch allegiance at any time.

Mr. Sanders’s advisers said that a strong performance in Michigan would augur well for him in Ohio and Illinois, given that the three states have similar Democratic electorates and that Mr. Sanders plans to continue criticizing Mrs. Clinton over free trade. But they acknowledged that even if he were to win Michigan, he was not likely to gain much ground on Mrs. Clinton in the race for delegates.

In addition to Ohio and Illinois, Mr. Sanders also plans to compete hard in next Tuesday’s nominating contest in Missouri, while he has shown less effort in the other two major primaries that day, Florida and North Carolina.

Mrs. Clinton’s advisers said that she could net more delegates than Mr. Sanders next Tuesday if she wins Florida and North Carolina but narrowly loses elsewhere, because her victories in predominantly black and Hispanic areas of the two states would probably yield disproportionately large numbers of delegates.

Campaigning in Detroit on Tuesday morning at Avalon International Breads, Mrs. Clinton appeared upbeat as she shook hands, posed for photographs and asked for votes sounding much like a job applicant. “I hope you’ll vote to hire me,” she told one voter. She stopped by Astro Coffee for an espresso and more handshaking before heading to Cleveland for an election-night party.

Regardless of who came out on top in the four states casting Republican ballots Tuesday, the delegates up for grabs were to be divided as many as four ways — one of the factors that is prolonging the race and keeping a delegate majority out of reach.

The Republicans can start holding winner-take-all contests next week. And whether Mr. Trump can seize the combined 165 delegates up for grabs in Ohio and Florida next Tuesday will go a long way toward determining whether he can the regain the momentum to clinch the nomination before the convention in July.

At a minimum, it may show whether “this ride has got a few more tricks and turns,” as Mr. Rubio put it Tuesday while campaigning in Florida, his must-win home state.

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From Michigan to Louisiana to California on Friday, rank-and-file Republicans expressed mystification, dismissal and contempt regarding the instructions that their party’s most high-profile leaders were urgently handing down to them: Reject and defeat Donald J. Trump.

Their angry reactions, in the 24 hours since Mitt Romney and John McCain urged millions of voters to cooperate in a grand strategy to undermine Mr. Trump’s candidacy, have captured the seemingly inexorable force of a movement that still puzzles the Republican elite and now threatens to unravel the party they hold dear.

In interviews, even lifelong Republicans who cast a ballot for Mr. Romney four years ago rebelled against his message and plan. “I personally am disgusted by it — I think it’s disgraceful,” said Lola Butler, 71, a retiree from Mandeville, La., who voted for Mr. Romney in 2012. “You’re telling me who to vote for and who not to vote for? Please.”

“There’s nothing short of Trump shooting my daughter in the street and my grandchildren — there is nothing and nobody that’s going to dissuade me from voting for Trump,” Ms. Butler said.

A fellow Louisiana Republican, Mindy Nettles, 33, accused the party of “using Romney as a puppet” to protect itself from Mr. Trump because its leaders could not control him. “He has a mind of his own,” she said. “He can think.”

The furious campaign now underway to stop Mr. Trump and the equally forceful rebellion against it captured the essence of the party’s breakdown over the past several weeks: Its most prominent guardians, misunderstanding their own voters, antagonize them as they try to reason with them, driving them even more energetically to Mr. Trump’s side.

As Mr. Romney amplified his pleas on Friday, Mr. Trump snubbed a major meeting of Republican activists and leaders after rumblings that protesters were prepared to demonstrate against him there, in the latest sign of Mr. Trump’s break from the apparatus of the party whose nomination he is marching toward.

As polls showed Mr. Trump likely to capture the Louisiana primary on Saturday, the biggest prize among states holding contests this weekend, the party establishment in Washington seemed seized by anxiety and despair. At the Conservative Political Action Conference, a long-running gathering of traditional conservatives, attendees feared that they were witnessing an event that has not occurred in more than a century: the breaking apart of a major American political party.

They spoke ruefully of “fidelity” lost and “values” forgone. They conceded a strange new feeling of powerlessness in the face of Mr. Trump’s ascendance. And they mourned for a 162-year-old party that is starting to seem unrecognizable to them.

Robert Walker, a former Pennsylvania congressman, lamented that the nomination of Mr. Trump, with his profane style and ideological flexibility, “would rebrand the party in ways that would take us a long time to recover from.”

Rick Santorum, a former Republican presidential candidate, warned of the “Republican Party potentially being torn up,” and Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska groused about what would “actually make America great again.” (It was not Mr. Trump.)

Steve Forbes, the publisher and two-time Republican presidential candidate, summed up the mood at the event. “Parties,” he said, “don’t usually commit suicide,” suggesting the party was well on its way with Mr. Trump.

Graphic | Why Romney Asked Republicans to Vote for Rubio. And Cruz. And Kasich. Mitt Romney asked Republicans to support multiple candidates in remaining primary and caucus states, an admission that a brokered convention is now the most likely route to block Donald J. Trump from the nomination.

The problem, for figures like Mr. Forbes and Mr. Romney, is that Mr. Trump’s supporters seem profoundly uninterested at the moment with the image, expectations or traditions of the Republican Party, according to interviews with more than three dozen voters, elected officials and operatives. They are, in many cases, hostile to it.

“I want to see Trump go up there and do damage to the Republican Party,” said Jeff Walls, 53, of Flowood, Miss.

From the moment Mr. Romney delivered it in a speech on Thursday from Salt Lake City, his entreaty to voters struck many in the party as high-minded and impractical: He all but begged them to vote for Mr. Trump’s rivals, thereby denying Mr. Trump enough delegates to clinch the nomination and force a contested convention this summer. Voters have not taken kindly to the recommendation, describing the request as a patronizing directive from an elite figure who thoroughly misunderstands their feelings of alienation from the political system. (Soon after, Mr. McCain endorsed his remarks.)

Conservative talk radio shows lit up Friday with incensed callers who said they were “livid,” “mad” and “on the verge of tears” as they listened to Mr. Romney scoldingly describe what he called Mr. Trump’s misogyny, vulgarity and dishonesty, and urged them to abandon him.

“The Trumpists out there,” predicted Rush Limbaugh, “are going to feel like the establishment is trying to manipulate them, sucker them, and they’re just going to dig in deeper.”

They did.

Kathy, from Sun City, Ariz., told Mr. Limbaugh she was “absolutely livid by the Romney speech. He’s condescending,” she said, adding that he sounded like a “Democrat the whole time.” Steve from Temecula, Calif., said he had a message for Mr. Romney: “The Republican electorate is not a bunch of completely ignorant fools.”

Interactive Feature | This Is Trump Country Here is a closer look at a few of the places where Donald J. Trump won big on Super Tuesday

“We know who Donald Trump is,” he added, “and we’re going to use Donald Trump to either take over the G.O.P. or blow it up.”

As Mr. Romney hopped between television stations on Friday, proclaiming his dismay over Mr. Trump’s crudeness, challenging his decency and questioning his integrity, he declared that his overtures were breaking through — though not necessarily to the audience he intended. In an interview conducted inside the headquarters of Bloomberg News in Manhattan, far from the crucial primary voting states that could decide Mr. Trump’s fate, he observed that Midtown office workers had offered their gratitude as he rode up to the studio.

“Just coming up the escalator, Mr. Romney said, people said, “ ‘Thanks for what you did yesterday.’ ”

But outside of that orbit, the response was less welcoming.

In interviews across the country, Republican voters suggested that Mr. Romney’s move was presumptuous and described him as out of touch and ineffectual. “They want to control the election because they don’t like Trump,” said Joann Hirschmann of Shelby Township, Mich., a supporter of Gov. John Kasich of Ohio. “And I can understand that. But you have to let the people speak.”

Frustrated Republicans seized on Mr. Romney’s status as a party insider who was insulated from the realities, indignities and rage of average Americans headed to the polls this year. “He’s an establishment figure,” said Faith Sheptoski-Forbush of Romulus, Mich. “So that’s what you get.”

She called Mr. Romney’s diatribe against Mr. Trump “a desperate attempt” that left her deeply disappointed in him.

“What we need is the voice of the people,” Ms. Sheptoski-Forbush said. “The voice of the people want Trump.”

This entry passed through the Full-Text RSS service – if this is your content and you’re reading it on someone else’s site, please read the FAQ at fivefilters.org/content-only/faq.php#publishers.

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From Michigan to Louisiana to California on Friday, rank-and-file Republicans expressed mystification, dismissal and contempt regarding the instructions that their party’s most high-profile leaders were urgently handing down to them: Reject and defeat Donald J. Trump.

Their angry reactions, in the 24 hours since Mitt Romney and John McCain urged millions of voters to cooperate in a grand strategy to undermine Mr. Trump’s candidacy, have captured the seemingly inexorable force of a movement that still puzzles the Republican elite and now threatens to unravel the party they hold dear.

In interviews, even lifelong Republicans who cast a ballot for Mr. Romney four years ago rebelled against his message and plan. “I personally am disgusted by it — I think it’s disgraceful,” said Lola Butler, 71, a retiree from Mandeville, La., who voted for Mr. Romney in 2012. “You’re telling me who to vote for and who not to vote for? Please.”

“There’s nothing short of Trump shooting my daughter in the street and my grandchildren — there is nothing and nobody that’s going to dissuade me from voting for Trump,” Ms. Butler said.

A fellow Louisiana Republican, Mindy Nettles, 33, accused the party of “using Romney as a puppet” to protect itself from Mr. Trump because its leaders could not control him. “He has a mind of his own,” she said. “He can think.”

The furious campaign now underway to stop Mr. Trump and the equally forceful rebellion against it captured the essence of the party’s breakdown over the past several weeks: Its most prominent guardians, misunderstanding their own voters, antagonize them as they try to reason with them, driving them even more energetically to Mr. Trump’s side.

As Mr. Romney amplified his pleas on Friday, Mr. Trump snubbed a major meeting of Republican activists and leaders after rumblings that protesters were prepared to demonstrate against him there, in the latest sign of Mr. Trump’s break from the apparatus of the party whose nomination he is marching toward.

As polls showed Mr. Trump likely to capture the Louisiana primary on Saturday, the biggest prize among states holding contests this weekend, the party establishment in Washington seemed seized by anxiety and despair. At the Conservative Political Action Conference, a long-running gathering of traditional conservatives, attendees feared that they were witnessing an event that has not occurred in more than a century: the breaking apart of a major American political party.

They spoke ruefully of “fidelity” lost and “values” forgone. They conceded a strange new feeling of powerlessness in the face of Mr. Trump’s ascendance. And they mourned for a 162-year-old party that is starting to seem unrecognizable to them.

Robert Walker, a former Pennsylvania congressman, lamented that the nomination of Mr. Trump, with his profane style and ideological flexibility, “would rebrand the party in ways that would take us a long time to recover from.”

Rick Santorum, a former Republican presidential candidate, warned of the “Republican Party potentially being torn up,” and Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska groused about what would “actually make America great again.” (It was not Mr. Trump.)

Steve Forbes, the publisher and two-time Republican presidential candidate, summed up the mood at the event. “Parties,” he said, “don’t usually commit suicide,” suggesting the party was well on its way with Mr. Trump.

Graphic | Why Romney Asked Republicans to Vote for Rubio. And Cruz. And Kasich. Mitt Romney asked Republicans to support multiple candidates in remaining primary and caucus states, an admission that a brokered convention is now the most likely route to block Donald J. Trump from the nomination.

The problem, for figures like Mr. Forbes and Mr. Romney, is that Mr. Trump’s supporters seem profoundly uninterested at the moment with the image, expectations or traditions of the Republican Party, according to interviews with more than three dozen voters, elected officials and operatives. They are, in many cases, hostile to it.

“I want to see Trump go up there and do damage to the Republican Party,” said Jeff Walls, 53, of Flowood, Miss.

From the moment Mr. Romney delivered it in a speech on Thursday from Salt Lake City, his entreaty to voters struck many in the party as high-minded and impractical: He all but begged them to vote for Mr. Trump’s rivals, thereby denying Mr. Trump enough delegates to clinch the nomination and force a contested convention this summer. Voters have not taken kindly to the recommendation, describing the request as a patronizing directive from an elite figure who thoroughly misunderstands their feelings of alienation from the political system. (Soon after, Mr. McCain endorsed his remarks.)

Conservative talk radio shows lit up Friday with incensed callers who said they were “livid,” “mad” and “on the verge of tears” as they listened to Mr. Romney scoldingly describe what he called Mr. Trump’s misogyny, vulgarity and dishonesty, and urged them to abandon him.

“The Trumpists out there,” predicted Rush Limbaugh, “are going to feel like the establishment is trying to manipulate them, sucker them, and they’re just going to dig in deeper.”

They did.

Kathy, from Sun City, Ariz., told Mr. Limbaugh she was “absolutely livid by the Romney speech. He’s condescending,” she said, adding that he sounded like a “Democrat the whole time.” Steve from Temecula, Calif., said he had a message for Mr. Romney: “The Republican electorate is not a bunch of completely ignorant fools.”

Interactive Feature | This Is Trump Country Here is a closer look at a few of the places where Donald J. Trump won big on Super Tuesday

“We know who Donald Trump is,” he added, “and we’re going to use Donald Trump to either take over the G.O.P. or blow it up.”

As Mr. Romney hopped between television stations on Friday, proclaiming his dismay over Mr. Trump’s crudeness, challenging his decency and questioning his integrity, he declared that his overtures were breaking through — though not necessarily to the audience he intended. In an interview conducted inside the headquarters of Bloomberg News in Manhattan, far from the crucial primary voting states that could decide Mr. Trump’s fate, he observed that Midtown office workers had offered their gratitude as he rode up to the studio.

“Just coming up the escalator, Mr. Romney said, people said, “ ‘Thanks for what you did yesterday.’ ”

But outside of that orbit, the response was less welcoming.

In interviews across the country, Republican voters suggested that Mr. Romney’s move was presumptuous and described him as out of touch and ineffectual. “They want to control the election because they don’t like Trump,” said Joann Hirschmann of Shelby Township, Mich., a supporter of Gov. John Kasich of Ohio. “And I can understand that. But you have to let the people speak.”

Frustrated Republicans seized on Mr. Romney’s status as a party insider who was insulated from the realities, indignities and rage of average Americans headed to the polls this year. “He’s an establishment figure,” said Faith Sheptoski-Forbush of Romulus, Mich. “So that’s what you get.”

She called Mr. Romney’s diatribe against Mr. Trump “a desperate attempt” that left her deeply disappointed in him.

“What we need is the voice of the people,” Ms. Sheptoski-Forbush said. “The voice of the people want Trump.”

This entry passed through the Full-Text RSS service – if this is your content and you’re reading it on someone else’s site, please read the FAQ at fivefilters.org/content-only/faq.php#publishers.

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From Michigan to Louisiana to California on Friday, rank-and-file Republicans expressed mystification, dismissal and contempt regarding the instructions that their party’s most high-profile leaders were urgently handing down to them: Reject and defeat Donald J. Trump.

Their angry reactions, in the 24 hours since Mitt Romney and John McCain urged millions of voters to cooperate in a grand strategy to undermine Mr. Trump’s candidacy, have captured the seemingly inexorable force of a movement that still puzzles the Republican elite and now threatens to unravel the party they hold dear.

In interviews, even lifelong Republicans who cast a ballot for Mr. Romney four years ago rebelled against his message and plan. “I personally am disgusted by it — I think it’s disgraceful,” said Lola Butler, 71, a retiree from Mandeville, La., who voted for Mr. Romney in 2012. “You’re telling me who to vote for and who not to vote for? Please.”

“There’s nothing short of Trump shooting my daughter in the street and my grandchildren — there is nothing and nobody that’s going to dissuade me from voting for Trump,” Ms. Butler said.

A fellow Louisiana Republican, Mindy Nettles, 33, accused the party of “using Romney as a puppet” to protect itself from Mr. Trump because its leaders could not control him. “He has a mind of his own,” she said. “He can think.”

The furious campaign now underway to stop Mr. Trump and the equally forceful rebellion against it captured the essence of the party’s breakdown over the past several weeks: Its most prominent guardians, misunderstanding their own voters, antagonize them as they try to reason with them, driving them even more energetically to Mr. Trump’s side.

As Mr. Romney amplified his pleas on Friday, Mr. Trump snubbed a major meeting of Republican activists and leaders after rumblings that protesters were prepared to demonstrate against him there, in the latest sign of Mr. Trump’s break from the apparatus of the party whose nomination he is marching toward.

As polls showed Mr. Trump likely to capture the Louisiana primary on Saturday, the biggest prize among states holding contests this weekend, the party establishment in Washington seemed seized by anxiety and despair. At the Conservative Political Action Conference, a long-running gathering of traditional conservatives, attendees feared that they were witnessing an event that has not occurred in more than a century: the breaking apart of a major American political party.

They spoke ruefully of “fidelity” lost and “values” forgone. They conceded a strange new feeling of powerlessness in the face of Mr. Trump’s ascendance. And they mourned for a 162-year-old party that is starting to seem unrecognizable to them.

Robert Walker, a former Pennsylvania congressman, lamented that the nomination of Mr. Trump, with his profane style and ideological flexibility, “would rebrand the party in ways that would take us a long time to recover from.”

Rick Santorum, a former Republican presidential candidate, warned of the “Republican Party potentially being torn up,” and Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska groused about what would “actually make America great again.” (It was not Mr. Trump.)

Steve Forbes, the publisher and two-time Republican presidential candidate, summed up the mood at the event. “Parties,” he said, “don’t usually commit suicide,” suggesting the party was well on its way with Mr. Trump.

Graphic | Why Romney Asked Republicans to Vote for Rubio. And Cruz. And Kasich. Mitt Romney asked Republicans to support multiple candidates in remaining primary and caucus states, an admission that a brokered convention is now the most likely route to block Donald J. Trump from the nomination.

The problem, for figures like Mr. Forbes and Mr. Romney, is that Mr. Trump’s supporters seem profoundly uninterested at the moment with the image, expectations or traditions of the Republican Party, according to interviews with more than three dozen voters, elected officials and operatives. They are, in many cases, hostile to it.

“I want to see Trump go up there and do damage to the Republican Party,” said Jeff Walls, 53, of Flowood, Miss.

From the moment Mr. Romney delivered it in a speech on Thursday from Salt Lake City, his entreaty to voters struck many in the party as high-minded and impractical: He all but begged them to vote for Mr. Trump’s rivals, thereby denying Mr. Trump enough delegates to clinch the nomination and force a contested convention this summer. Voters have not taken kindly to the recommendation, describing the request as a patronizing directive from an elite figure who thoroughly misunderstands their feelings of alienation from the political system. (Soon after, Mr. McCain endorsed his remarks.)

Conservative talk radio shows lit up Friday with incensed callers who said they were “livid,” “mad” and “on the verge of tears” as they listened to Mr. Romney scoldingly describe what he called Mr. Trump’s misogyny, vulgarity and dishonesty, and urged them to abandon him.

“The Trumpists out there,” predicted Rush Limbaugh, “are going to feel like the establishment is trying to manipulate them, sucker them, and they’re just going to dig in deeper.”

They did.

Kathy, from Sun City, Ariz., told Mr. Limbaugh she was “absolutely livid by the Romney speech. He’s condescending,” she said, adding that he sounded like a “Democrat the whole time.” Steve from Temecula, Calif., said he had a message for Mr. Romney: “The Republican electorate is not a bunch of completely ignorant fools.”

Interactive Feature | This Is Trump Country Here is a closer look at a few of the places where Donald J. Trump won big on Super Tuesday

“We know who Donald Trump is,” he added, “and we’re going to use Donald Trump to either take over the G.O.P. or blow it up.”

As Mr. Romney hopped between television stations on Friday, proclaiming his dismay over Mr. Trump’s crudeness, challenging his decency and questioning his integrity, he declared that his overtures were breaking through — though not necessarily to the audience he intended. In an interview conducted inside the headquarters of Bloomberg News in Manhattan, far from the crucial primary voting states that could decide Mr. Trump’s fate, he observed that Midtown office workers had offered their gratitude as he rode up to the studio.

“Just coming up the escalator, Mr. Romney said, people said, “ ‘Thanks for what you did yesterday.’ ”

But outside of that orbit, the response was less welcoming.

In interviews across the country, Republican voters suggested that Mr. Romney’s move was presumptuous and described him as out of touch and ineffectual. “They want to control the election because they don’t like Trump,” said Joann Hirschmann of Shelby Township, Mich., a supporter of Gov. John Kasich of Ohio. “And I can understand that. But you have to let the people speak.”

Frustrated Republicans seized on Mr. Romney’s status as a party insider who was insulated from the realities, indignities and rage of average Americans headed to the polls this year. “He’s an establishment figure,” said Faith Sheptoski-Forbush of Romulus, Mich. “So that’s what you get.”

She called Mr. Romney’s diatribe against Mr. Trump “a desperate attempt” that left her deeply disappointed in him.

“What we need is the voice of the people,” Ms. Sheptoski-Forbush said. “The voice of the people want Trump.”

This entry passed through the Full-Text RSS service – if this is your content and you’re reading it on someone else’s site, please read the FAQ at fivefilters.org/content-only/faq.php#publishers.

Read More

Powered by WPeMatico

From Michigan to Louisiana to California on Friday, rank-and-file Republicans expressed mystification, dismissal and contempt regarding the instructions that their party’s most high-profile leaders were urgently handing down to them: Reject and defeat Donald J. Trump.

Their angry reactions, in the 24 hours since Mitt Romney and John McCain urged millions of voters to cooperate in a grand strategy to undermine Mr. Trump’s candidacy, have captured the seemingly inexorable force of a movement that still puzzles the Republican elite and now threatens to unravel the party they hold dear.

In interviews, even lifelong Republicans who cast a ballot for Mr. Romney four years ago rebelled against his message and plan. “I personally am disgusted by it — I think it’s disgraceful,” said Lola Butler, 71, a retiree from Mandeville, La., who voted for Mr. Romney in 2012. “You’re telling me who to vote for and who not to vote for? Please.”

“There’s nothing short of Trump shooting my daughter in the street and my grandchildren — there is nothing and nobody that’s going to dissuade me from voting for Trump,” Ms. Butler said.

A fellow Louisiana Republican, Mindy Nettles, 33, accused the party of “using Romney as a puppet” to protect itself from Mr. Trump because its leaders could not control him. “He has a mind of his own,” she said. “He can think.”

The furious campaign now underway to stop Mr. Trump and the equally forceful rebellion against it captured the essence of the party’s breakdown over the past several weeks: Its most prominent guardians, misunderstanding their own voters, antagonize them as they try to reason with them, driving them even more energetically to Mr. Trump’s side.

As Mr. Romney amplified his pleas on Friday, Mr. Trump snubbed a major meeting of Republican activists and leaders after rumblings that protesters were prepared to demonstrate against him there, in the latest sign of Mr. Trump’s break from the apparatus of the party whose nomination he is marching toward.

As polls showed Mr. Trump likely to capture the Louisiana primary on Saturday, the biggest prize among states holding contests this weekend, the party establishment in Washington seemed seized by anxiety and despair. At the Conservative Political Action Conference, a long-running gathering of traditional conservatives, attendees feared that they were witnessing an event that has not occurred in more than a century: the breaking apart of a major American political party.

They spoke ruefully of “fidelity” lost and “values” forgone. They conceded a strange new feeling of powerlessness in the face of Mr. Trump’s ascendance. And they mourned for a 162-year-old party that is starting to seem unrecognizable to them.

Robert Walker, a former Pennsylvania congressman, lamented that the nomination of Mr. Trump, with his profane style and ideological flexibility, “would rebrand the party in ways that would take us a long time to recover from.”

Rick Santorum, a former Republican presidential candidate, warned of the “Republican Party potentially being torn up,” and Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska groused about what would “actually make America great again.” (It was not Mr. Trump.)

Steve Forbes, the publisher and two-time Republican presidential candidate, summed up the mood at the event. “Parties,” he said, “don’t usually commit suicide,” suggesting the party was well on its way with Mr. Trump.

Graphic | Why Romney Asked Republicans to Vote for Rubio. And Cruz. And Kasich. Mitt Romney asked Republicans to support multiple candidates in remaining primary and caucus states, an admission that a brokered convention is now the most likely route to block Donald J. Trump from the nomination.

The problem, for figures like Mr. Forbes and Mr. Romney, is that Mr. Trump’s supporters seem profoundly uninterested at the moment with the image, expectations or traditions of the Republican Party, according to interviews with more than three dozen voters, elected officials and operatives. They are, in many cases, hostile to it.

“I want to see Trump go up there and do damage to the Republican Party,” said Jeff Walls, 53, of Flowood, Miss.

From the moment Mr. Romney delivered it in a speech on Thursday from Salt Lake City, his entreaty to voters struck many in the party as high-minded and impractical: He all but begged them to vote for Mr. Trump’s rivals, thereby denying Mr. Trump enough delegates to clinch the nomination and force a contested convention this summer. Voters have not taken kindly to the recommendation, describing the request as a patronizing directive from an elite figure who thoroughly misunderstands their feelings of alienation from the political system. (Soon after, Mr. McCain endorsed his remarks.)

Conservative talk radio shows lit up Friday with incensed callers who said they were “livid,” “mad” and “on the verge of tears” as they listened to Mr. Romney scoldingly describe what he called Mr. Trump’s misogyny, vulgarity and dishonesty, and urged them to abandon him.

“The Trumpists out there,” predicted Rush Limbaugh, “are going to feel like the establishment is trying to manipulate them, sucker them, and they’re just going to dig in deeper.”

They did.

Kathy, from Sun City, Ariz., told Mr. Limbaugh she was “absolutely livid by the Romney speech. He’s condescending,” she said, adding that he sounded like a “Democrat the whole time.” Steve from Temecula, Calif., said he had a message for Mr. Romney: “The Republican electorate is not a bunch of completely ignorant fools.”

Interactive Feature | This Is Trump Country Here is a closer look at a few of the places where Donald J. Trump won big on Super Tuesday

“We know who Donald Trump is,” he added, “and we’re going to use Donald Trump to either take over the G.O.P. or blow it up.”

As Mr. Romney hopped between television stations on Friday, proclaiming his dismay over Mr. Trump’s crudeness, challenging his decency and questioning his integrity, he declared that his overtures were breaking through — though not necessarily to the audience he intended. In an interview conducted inside the headquarters of Bloomberg News in Manhattan, far from the crucial primary voting states that could decide Mr. Trump’s fate, he observed that Midtown office workers had offered their gratitude as he rode up to the studio.

“Just coming up the escalator, Mr. Romney said, people said, “ ‘Thanks for what you did yesterday.’ ”

But outside of that orbit, the response was less welcoming.

In interviews across the country, Republican voters suggested that Mr. Romney’s move was presumptuous and described him as out of touch and ineffectual. “They want to control the election because they don’t like Trump,” said Joann Hirschmann of Shelby Township, Mich., a supporter of Gov. John Kasich of Ohio. “And I can understand that. But you have to let the people speak.”

Frustrated Republicans seized on Mr. Romney’s status as a party insider who was insulated from the realities, indignities and rage of average Americans headed to the polls this year. “He’s an establishment figure,” said Faith Sheptoski-Forbush of Romulus, Mich. “So that’s what you get.”

She called Mr. Romney’s diatribe against Mr. Trump “a desperate attempt” that left her deeply disappointed in him.

“What we need is the voice of the people,” Ms. Sheptoski-Forbush said. “The voice of the people want Trump.”

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From Michigan to Louisiana to California on Friday, rank-and-file Republicans expressed mystification, dismissal and contempt regarding the instructions that their party’s most high-profile leaders were urgently handing down to them: Reject and defeat Donald J. Trump.

Their angry reactions, in the 24 hours since Mitt Romney and John McCain urged millions of voters to cooperate in a grand strategy to undermine Mr. Trump’s candidacy, have captured the seemingly inexorable force of a movement that still puzzles the Republican elite and now threatens to unravel the party they hold dear.

In interviews, even lifelong Republicans who cast a ballot for Mr. Romney four years ago rebelled against his message and plan. “I personally am disgusted by it — I think it’s disgraceful,” said Lola Butler, 71, a retiree from Mandeville, La., who voted for Mr. Romney in 2012. “You’re telling me who to vote for and who not to vote for? Please.”

“There’s nothing short of Trump shooting my daughter in the street and my grandchildren — there is nothing and nobody that’s going to dissuade me from voting for Trump,” Ms. Butler said.

A fellow Louisiana Republican, Mindy Nettles, 33, accused the party of “using Romney as a puppet” to protect itself from Mr. Trump because its leaders could not control him. “He has a mind of his own,” she said. “He can think.”

The furious campaign now underway to stop Mr. Trump and the equally forceful rebellion against it captured the essence of the party’s breakdown over the past several weeks: Its most prominent guardians, misunderstanding their own voters, antagonize them as they try to reason with them, driving them even more energetically to Mr. Trump’s side.

As Mr. Romney amplified his pleas on Friday, Mr. Trump snubbed a major meeting of Republican activists and leaders after rumblings that protesters were prepared to demonstrate against him there, in the latest sign of Mr. Trump’s break from the apparatus of the party whose nomination he is marching toward.

As polls showed Mr. Trump likely to capture the Louisiana primary on Saturday, the biggest prize among states holding contests this weekend, the party establishment in Washington seemed seized by anxiety and despair. At the Conservative Political Action Conference, a long-running gathering of traditional conservatives, attendees feared that they were witnessing an event that has not occurred in more than a century: the breaking apart of a major American political party.

They spoke ruefully of “fidelity” lost and “values” forgone. They conceded a strange new feeling of powerlessness in the face of Mr. Trump’s ascendance. And they mourned for a 162-year-old party that is starting to seem unrecognizable to them.

Robert Walker, a former Pennsylvania congressman, lamented that the nomination of Mr. Trump, with his profane style and ideological flexibility, “would rebrand the party in ways that would take us a long time to recover from.”

Rick Santorum, a former Republican presidential candidate, warned of the “Republican Party potentially being torn up,” and Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska groused about what would “actually make America great again.” (It was not Mr. Trump.)

Steve Forbes, the publisher and two-time Republican presidential candidate, summed up the mood at the event. “Parties,” he said, “don’t usually commit suicide,” suggesting the party was well on its way with Mr. Trump.

Graphic | Why Romney Asked Republicans to Vote for Rubio. And Cruz. And Kasich. Mitt Romney asked Republicans to support multiple candidates in remaining primary and caucus states, an admission that a brokered convention is now the most likely route to block Donald J. Trump from the nomination.

The problem, for figures like Mr. Forbes and Mr. Romney, is that Mr. Trump’s supporters seem profoundly uninterested at the moment with the image, expectations or traditions of the Republican Party, according to interviews with more than three dozen voters, elected officials and operatives. They are, in many cases, hostile to it.

“I want to see Trump go up there and do damage to the Republican Party,” said Jeff Walls, 53, of Flowood, Miss.

From the moment Mr. Romney delivered it in a speech on Thursday from Salt Lake City, his entreaty to voters struck many in the party as high-minded and impractical: He all but begged them to vote for Mr. Trump’s rivals, thereby denying Mr. Trump enough delegates to clinch the nomination and force a contested convention this summer. Voters have not taken kindly to the recommendation, describing the request as a patronizing directive from an elite figure who thoroughly misunderstands their feelings of alienation from the political system. (Soon after, Mr. McCain endorsed his remarks.)

Conservative talk radio shows lit up Friday with incensed callers who said they were “livid,” “mad” and “on the verge of tears” as they listened to Mr. Romney scoldingly describe what he called Mr. Trump’s misogyny, vulgarity and dishonesty, and urged them to abandon him.

“The Trumpists out there,” predicted Rush Limbaugh, “are going to feel like the establishment is trying to manipulate them, sucker them, and they’re just going to dig in deeper.”

They did.

Kathy, from Sun City, Ariz., told Mr. Limbaugh she was “absolutely livid by the Romney speech. He’s condescending,” she said, adding that he sounded like a “Democrat the whole time.” Steve from Temecula, Calif., said he had a message for Mr. Romney: “The Republican electorate is not a bunch of completely ignorant fools.”

Interactive Feature | This Is Trump Country Here is a closer look at a few of the places where Donald J. Trump won big on Super Tuesday

“We know who Donald Trump is,” he added, “and we’re going to use Donald Trump to either take over the G.O.P. or blow it up.”

As Mr. Romney hopped between television stations on Friday, proclaiming his dismay over Mr. Trump’s crudeness, challenging his decency and questioning his integrity, he declared that his overtures were breaking through — though not necessarily to the audience he intended. In an interview conducted inside the headquarters of Bloomberg News in Manhattan, far from the crucial primary voting states that could decide Mr. Trump’s fate, he observed that Midtown office workers had offered their gratitude as he rode up to the studio.

“Just coming up the escalator, Mr. Romney said, people said, “ ‘Thanks for what you did yesterday.’ ”

But outside of that orbit, the response was less welcoming.

In interviews across the country, Republican voters suggested that Mr. Romney’s move was presumptuous and described him as out of touch and ineffectual. “They want to control the election because they don’t like Trump,” said Joann Hirschmann of Shelby Township, Mich., a supporter of Gov. John Kasich of Ohio. “And I can understand that. But you have to let the people speak.”

Frustrated Republicans seized on Mr. Romney’s status as a party insider who was insulated from the realities, indignities and rage of average Americans headed to the polls this year. “He’s an establishment figure,” said Faith Sheptoski-Forbush of Romulus, Mich. “So that’s what you get.”

She called Mr. Romney’s diatribe against Mr. Trump “a desperate attempt” that left her deeply disappointed in him.

“What we need is the voice of the people,” Ms. Sheptoski-Forbush said. “The voice of the people want Trump.”

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From Michigan to Louisiana to California on Friday, rank-and-file Republicans expressed mystification, dismissal and contempt regarding the instructions that their party’s most high-profile leaders were urgently handing down to them: Reject and defeat Donald J. Trump.

Their angry reactions, in the 24 hours since Mitt Romney and John McCain urged millions of voters to cooperate in a grand strategy to undermine Mr. Trump’s candidacy, have captured the seemingly inexorable force of a movement that still puzzles the Republican elite and now threatens to unravel the party they hold dear.

In interviews, even lifelong Republicans who cast a ballot for Mr. Romney four years ago rebelled against his message and plan. “I personally am disgusted by it — I think it’s disgraceful,” said Lola Butler, 71, a retiree from Mandeville, La., who voted for Mr. Romney in 2012. “You’re telling me who to vote for and who not to vote for? Please.”

“There’s nothing short of Trump shooting my daughter in the street and my grandchildren — there is nothing and nobody that’s going to dissuade me from voting for Trump,” Ms. Butler said.

A fellow Louisiana Republican, Mindy Nettles, 33, accused the party of “using Romney as a puppet” to protect itself from Mr. Trump because its leaders could not control him. “He has a mind of his own,” she said. “He can think.”

The furious campaign now underway to stop Mr. Trump and the equally forceful rebellion against it captured the essence of the party’s breakdown over the past several weeks: Its most prominent guardians, misunderstanding their own voters, antagonize them as they try to reason with them, driving them even more energetically to Mr. Trump’s side.

As Mr. Romney amplified his pleas on Friday, Mr. Trump snubbed a major meeting of Republican activists and leaders after rumblings that protesters were prepared to demonstrate against him there, in the latest sign of Mr. Trump’s break from the apparatus of the party whose nomination he is marching toward.

As polls showed Mr. Trump likely to capture the Louisiana primary on Saturday, the biggest prize among states holding contests this weekend, the party establishment in Washington seemed seized by anxiety and despair. At the Conservative Political Action Conference, a long-running gathering of traditional conservatives, attendees feared that they were witnessing an event that has not occurred in more than a century: the breaking apart of a major American political party.

They spoke ruefully of “fidelity” lost and “values” forgone. They conceded a strange new feeling of powerlessness in the face of Mr. Trump’s ascendance. And they mourned for a 162-year-old party that is starting to seem unrecognizable to them.

Robert Walker, a former Pennsylvania congressman, lamented that the nomination of Mr. Trump, with his profane style and ideological flexibility, “would rebrand the party in ways that would take us a long time to recover from.”

Rick Santorum, a former Republican presidential candidate, warned of the “Republican Party potentially being torn up,” and Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska groused about what would “actually make America great again.” (It was not Mr. Trump.)

Steve Forbes, the publisher and two-time Republican presidential candidate, summed up the mood at the event. “Parties,” he said, “don’t usually commit suicide,” suggesting the party was well on its way with Mr. Trump.

Graphic | Why Romney Asked Republicans to Vote for Rubio. And Cruz. And Kasich. Mitt Romney asked Republicans to support multiple candidates in remaining primary and caucus states, an admission that a brokered convention is now the most likely route to block Donald J. Trump from the nomination.

The problem, for figures like Mr. Forbes and Mr. Romney, is that Mr. Trump’s supporters seem profoundly uninterested at the moment with the image, expectations or traditions of the Republican Party, according to interviews with more than three dozen voters, elected officials and operatives. They are, in many cases, hostile to it.

“I want to see Trump go up there and do damage to the Republican Party,” said Jeff Walls, 53, of Flowood, Miss.

From the moment Mr. Romney delivered it in a speech on Thursday from Salt Lake City, his entreaty to voters struck many in the party as high-minded and impractical: He all but begged them to vote for Mr. Trump’s rivals, thereby denying Mr. Trump enough delegates to clinch the nomination and force a contested convention this summer. Voters have not taken kindly to the recommendation, describing the request as a patronizing directive from an elite figure who thoroughly misunderstands their feelings of alienation from the political system. (Soon after, Mr. McCain endorsed his remarks.)

Conservative talk radio shows lit up Friday with incensed callers who said they were “livid,” “mad” and “on the verge of tears” as they listened to Mr. Romney scoldingly describe what he called Mr. Trump’s misogyny, vulgarity and dishonesty, and urged them to abandon him.

“The Trumpists out there,” predicted Rush Limbaugh, “are going to feel like the establishment is trying to manipulate them, sucker them, and they’re just going to dig in deeper.”

They did.

Kathy, from Sun City, Ariz., told Mr. Limbaugh she was “absolutely livid by the Romney speech. He’s condescending,” she said, adding that he sounded like a “Democrat the whole time.” Steve from Temecula, Calif., said he had a message for Mr. Romney: “The Republican electorate is not a bunch of completely ignorant fools.”

Interactive Feature | This Is Trump Country Here is a closer look at a few of the places where Donald J. Trump won big on Super Tuesday

“We know who Donald Trump is,” he added, “and we’re going to use Donald Trump to either take over the G.O.P. or blow it up.”

As Mr. Romney hopped between television stations on Friday, proclaiming his dismay over Mr. Trump’s crudeness, challenging his decency and questioning his integrity, he declared that his overtures were breaking through — though not necessarily to the audience he intended. In an interview conducted inside the headquarters of Bloomberg News in Manhattan, far from the crucial primary voting states that could decide Mr. Trump’s fate, he observed that Midtown office workers had offered their gratitude as he rode up to the studio.

“Just coming up the escalator, Mr. Romney said, people said, “ ‘Thanks for what you did yesterday.’ ”

But outside of that orbit, the response was less welcoming.

In interviews across the country, Republican voters suggested that Mr. Romney’s move was presumptuous and described him as out of touch and ineffectual. “They want to control the election because they don’t like Trump,” said Joann Hirschmann of Shelby Township, Mich., a supporter of Gov. John Kasich of Ohio. “And I can understand that. But you have to let the people speak.”

Frustrated Republicans seized on Mr. Romney’s status as a party insider who was insulated from the realities, indignities and rage of average Americans headed to the polls this year. “He’s an establishment figure,” said Faith Sheptoski-Forbush of Romulus, Mich. “So that’s what you get.”

She called Mr. Romney’s diatribe against Mr. Trump “a desperate attempt” that left her deeply disappointed in him.

“What we need is the voice of the people,” Ms. Sheptoski-Forbush said. “The voice of the people want Trump.”

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Michigan Uber driver Jason Dalton is denied bail after being formally charged with six counts of murder and ten other crimes after a fatal shooting spree over the weekend. (Reuters)

KALAMAZOO, Mich. — The Uber driver authorities say fatally shot six people during a series of seemingly random attacks over the weekend was charged with murder Monday as questions swirled around the bloody rampage. 

Jason Brian Dalton made “incriminating statements” after his arrest, but did not directly confess to the shootings, Kalamazoo Public Safety Chief Jeff Hadley said Monday.

Investigators continue to look for a motive in the shooting, but so far detectives have not found any explanation, Hadley said.

“That is honestly the most baffling part of it,” Hadley said in a telephone interview Monday. He added: “Aside from some anecdotal things, there is nothing we can put our finger on and say that’s why.”

Residents here have reeled since this city of about 75,000 people joined the ever-growing list of American communities riven by a shooting rampage, a group that since last year has grown to include San Bernardino, Calif., Roseburg, Ore. and Charleston, S.C.

“It’s happened everywhere and now we got a piece of it,” said Sherry Rush, 59, who lives several doors down from the townhome where police say the first victim was shot.

While other mass shootings that gripped national attention have seen sudden, unexpected violence erupt in a seemingly safe location — a movie theater, a school, a company holiday party — the shootings here were mobile, gunshots allegedly fired by a man who authorities and riders say kept seeking fares after the bloodshed began.

[What the Kalamazoo shooting reveals about Uber’s background checks]

According to authorities, Dalton traveled to three different scenes over Saturday afternoon and evening and shot a total of eight people. Six of them were killed, and the other two — including a teenage girl — were seriously injured.

Police intend to interview the last 14 fares Dalton transported using a list from Uber, Hadley said. He described the company as “very cooperative” and said interviews with these fares could give police “insight into [Dalton’s] behavior and state of mind.”

Authorities have interviewed Dalton’s wife in children, who were in Kalamazoo at the time, but it is unclear where they are now, Hadley said.

In the aftermath of the attacks, no apparent connections emerged tying the accused shooter and the victims, who included a high school senior and his father looking at cars and a mother of three standing in front of her apartment. Police said the youngest people injured and killed were teenagers, while the oldest victim was 74-year-old Dorothy Brown of Battle Creek.

One city official called the rampage “unexplainable.” A county official described it as “bizarre,” a sentiment echoed by Jessica Borden, who stood behind the counter of a rural convenience store not far from the accused gunman’s store and where he had been a regular.

Then Borden sighed and added: “But maybe it’s not so much of a surprise the way the world is nowadays.”

Dalton, 45, appeared in a small Kalamazoo courtroom through a closed-circuit television feed Monday for his arraignment on 16 total counts stemming from the rampage.

In addition to the six murder charges, Dalton has also been charged with eight counts of possessing a firearm during a felony and two counts of “assault with intent to murder,” according to a complaint filed in court and signed by Kalamazoo County Prosecutor Jeffrey Getting.

Dalton faces up to life in prison if convicted on the murder charges in Michigan, which does not have the death penalty.

Getting called the filing of charges “the first step” in a statement Monday, adding that “the investigation is not over and the search for answers will continue.”

Wearing an orange jumpsuit and glasses, Dalton stared ahead and did not visibly react as the charges against him were read aloud and the names of the victims recited. He said he understood the charges against him and was denied bail.

When he was offered a chance to speak at the hearing’s conclusion, Dalton responded by quietly saying, “I would prefer just to remain silent.”

After that, he was led away and the hearing concluded.

Jason Dalton appears on a screen during his arraignment Monday. (Mark Kauzlarich/Reuters)

Kalamazoo County Sheriff Richard Fuller said he has cautioned residents not to wait too anxiously for a motive.

“In the end, no matter what we find out, we’ve still got a tragic event, and I want people to focus on how to take care of one another,” he said.

Fuller said that while the community has seen homicides with multiple victims and other tragedies, the deliberate calculation of these shootings was unprecedented here.

“It’s shocking, it’s a suspect killing people indiscriminately,” Fuller said. “It’s not something we’re ever going to be able to understand or answer with satisfaction, we just have to work with what we have left.”

Gov. Rick Snyder (R) called the shootings “senseless” and ordered flags in the state to be flown at half-staff beginning Monday and through Sunday, one day for each of the people killed in the shooting.

An interfaith service was set for Monday night at First Congregational Church, to be followed by a candlelight vigil at nearby Bronson Park.

Across the street from Dalton’s home, Gary Pardo Jr. stood on the porch of his family’s farmhouse and worried that his parents, who were inside, looked out the window and saw a world that is difficult to recognize.

“The world is shrinking in terms of the areas they can trust,” Pardo Jr. said.”This has really shrunk that down even more. Now it’s in their neighborhood.”

Kalamazoo is an industrial town on the upswing, home to the popular Bell’s Brewery and an economic renaissance that has rejuvenated its downtown and brought a vibrant culinary and arts scene.

“I honestly felt like I was punched in the stomach,” said Erin Knott, 41, who has lived in Kalamazoo for more than half of her life and is a member of the city commission. “I just thought that this can’t be happening here.”

Many here say that because Kalamazoo has fallen under hard times before and come out the other end renewed, it will eventually survive this tragedy.

“It’s a very strong city,” said Brendan Davis, a chef at Bell’s Brewery. But that doesn’t ease the pain, he said. “We’re in shock,” he added. 

President Obama on Monday said he had called the mayor, sheriff and police chief in Kalamazoo and offered “whatever federal support they needed in their investigation.”

Obama mentioned the shooting in remarks to the National Governors Association at the White House on Monday morning, tying it to his renewed calls for stricter gun regulations. He noted that the San Bernardino shootings killed 14 people last December and added, “Here’s a hard truth: We probably lost more Americans than that to guns this weekend alone.”

Since the shooting rampage Saturday, at least two other people in Kalamazoo have been shot, according to police. A man was shot four times during what authorities described as an attempted robbery at 9 p.m. on Sunday, suffering non-life-threatening wounds.

More than two hours later, a woman was shot twice and told police her boyfriend had assaulted her before shooting her. She also suffered non-life-threatening wounds and police said they were searching for a 22-year-old suspect, who ran away before police arrived.

Earlier this year, Obama announced modest new gun restrictions in an emotional public speech, and on Monday he referred to these steps as intended to “make it harder for dangerous individuals” to get guns.

“We’ve got to do more to keep Americans safe,” Obama said Monday. “I’m sure all of you are as tired of this as I am.”

Obama said the officials in Kalamazoo “did an outstanding job in apprehending the individuals very quickly, but you have families that are shattered today.”

For some in Kalamazoo, the shooting leaves them with a sense of safety forever shaken. Sherry Rush, who lives near the scene of the first reported shooting Saturday, said emergency vehicles lit up her block for hours on Saturday night and news media trucks swarmed the scene on Sunday.

In the five years she lived in her home, she kept her front door open of her house to let in warm breezes and to let her neighbors they were welcome to stop by. The killing has changed that.

“I was comfortable here,” she said. “No more.”

Flowers in the parking lot of a car dealership the day after the shooting. (Andraya Croft/Detroit Free Press via AP)

For officials in the area, the shootings occurred over such a broad span of time and area that it was not immediately clear they were linked, according to John M. Dunn, president of Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo.

Dunn sent a letter to the school’s community in response to questions about why the university did not issue an alert about the ongoing shootings, saying that it was not until late Saturday night that school officials were told the shootings were connected.

“Clearly, we failed last night to provide adequate information and updates,” wrote in a letter Sunday to the school’s community. He vowed to review the school’s public safety guidelines and scheduled a forum for Monday night to discuss the issue.

Berman reported from Washington. William Wan, Missy Ryan, Alice Crites and David Nakamura contributed to this report. 

[This story has been updated and will continue to be updated.]

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A Michigan Uber driver accused of killing six people and injuring two others in an alleged shooting spree this weekend told investigators that “he took people’s lives,” officials said today at a court hearing that the suspect did not attend.

Authorities read the complaint against the suspected shooter, Jason Dalton, today, saying that Dalton made the statement after he was read his Miranda rights.

Dalton then made his first appearance at another hearing, which was his arraignment, held in a different courtroom. He appeared there via video and a judge read the charges against him.

Dalton, 45, was charged with six counts of murder, two counts of assault with intent to commit murder and eight charges of using a firearm during the commission of a felony, according to Kalamazoo County prosecuting attorney Jeff Getting.

Dalton told the judge he understood the charges, but when asked if he had anything for the judge to consider regarding bond, he said he wanted to remain silent. He did not enter a plea. His bail was denied and his next court appearance was scheduled for March 3.

After the hearing, Getting described the suspected shooter as cooperative and non-remorseful.

Investigators have not yet discovered a motive, but Getting said he believes Dalton picked up Uber fares between 6 p.m. and 10 p.m., which would have been after the first shooting of which he is accused, and before the others.

“The Kalamazoo community is reeling from these senseless acts of violence that took so many innocent lives from us,” Getting said in a statement today. “Our hearts are saddened for all of the victims, their families and friends who are dealing with this on a much more personal level.

Dalton is first accused of shooting a woman in a Kalamazoo parking lot around 5:45 p.m. Saturday, Michigan State Police said.

The victim, Tiana Carruthers, gave police a description of the suspect after she was shot and injured, and authorities said she later identified Dalton in a police lineup.

Dalton is also the suspect in the deadly shooting of a father and son around 10 p.m. Saturday at the Seelye Ford KIA Dealership in Kalamazoo, state police said. The victims were identified as Richard Eugene Smith, 53, and Tyler Daniel Smith, 17, of Kalamazoo, Kalamazoo Public Safety said.

Dalton then allegedly approached two cars in a Cracker Barrel Restaurant parking lot and shot five people, state police said. Four of the victims in the two cars died, police said. State police identified them as: Mary Lou Nye, 62, of Baroda, Mich.; Mary Jo Nye, 60, of Battle Creek, Mich.; Dorothy Brown, 74, of Battle Creek, Mich.; and Barbara Hawthorne, 68, of Battle Creek, Mich.

The surviving victim from the Cracker Barrel shooting is a 14-year-old who is in critical condition, said state police.

After the Cracker Barrel shooting, Dalton was stopped at 12:40 a.m. and taken into custody, said state police. According to Getting, a semi-automatic handgun was found inside Dalton’s vehicle, but investigators are still working to determine if that gun was the weapon used in the crimes.

Ed Davis of the Uber Safety Advisory Board told ABC’s “Good Morning America” today that there was “no background check that would have identified this man as a problem.”

“There is a full background check done on all driver partners for Uber,” Davis said. “And this individual had the background check completed and there was nothing in his background to indicate he was a problem. He had no record whatsoever.

“He was a father, a husband,” Davis said. “He was described by the police chief in Kalamazoo as a regular guy, exactly the type of guy that any corporation would like to hire.”

Davis, a former Boston Police Commissioner, called Uber “one of the safest platforms I’ve ever dealt with,” adding that “Uber is constantly looking at their security procedures and updating them and that situation will continue.”

The Dalton family said in a statement today: “This type of violence has no place in our society, and we express our love and support for everyone involved. We intend to cooperate in every way that we can to help determine why and how this occurred.”

ABC News’ Alex Perez contributed to this report.

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A Michigan Uber driver accused of killing six people and injuring two others in an alleged shooting spree this weekend told investigators that “he took people’s lives,” officials said today at a court hearing that the suspect did not attend.

Authorities read the complaint against the suspected shooter, Jason Dalton, today, saying that Dalton made the statement after he was read his Miranda rights.

Dalton then made his first appearance at another hearing, which was his arraignment, held in a different courtroom. He appeared there via video and a judge read the charges against him.

Dalton, 45, was charged with six counts of murder, two counts of assault with intent to commit murder and eight charges of using a firearm during the commission of a felony, according to Kalamazoo County prosecuting attorney Jeff Getting.

Dalton told the judge he understood the charges, but when asked if he had anything for the judge to consider regarding bond, he said he wanted to remain silent. He did not enter a plea. His bail was denied and his next court appearance was scheduled for March 3.

After the hearing, Getting described the suspected shooter as cooperative and non-remorseful.

Investigators have not yet discovered a motive, but Getting said he believes Dalton picked up Uber fares between 6 p.m. and 10 p.m., which would have been after the first shooting of which he is accused, and before the others.

“The Kalamazoo community is reeling from these senseless acts of violence that took so many innocent lives from us,” Getting said in a statement today. “Our hearts are saddened for all of the victims, their families and friends who are dealing with this on a much more personal level.

Dalton is first accused of shooting a woman in a Kalamazoo parking lot around 5:45 p.m. Saturday, Michigan State Police said.

The victim, Tiana Carruthers, gave police a description of the suspect after she was shot and injured, and authorities said she later identified Dalton in a police lineup.

Dalton is also the suspect in the deadly shooting of a father and son around 10 p.m. Saturday at the Seelye Ford KIA Dealership in Kalamazoo, state police said. The victims were identified as Richard Eugene Smith, 53, and Tyler Daniel Smith, 17, of Kalamazoo, Kalamazoo Public Safety said.

Dalton then allegedly approached two cars in a Cracker Barrel Restaurant parking lot and shot five people, state police said. Four of the victims in the two cars died, police said. State police identified them as: Mary Lou Nye, 62, of Baroda, Mich.; Mary Jo Nye, 60, of Battle Creek, Mich.; Dorothy Brown, 74, of Battle Creek, Mich.; and Barbara Hawthorne, 68, of Battle Creek, Mich.

The surviving victim from the Cracker Barrel shooting is a 14-year-old who is in critical condition, said state police.

After the Cracker Barrel shooting, Dalton was stopped at 12:40 a.m. and taken into custody, said state police. According to Getting, a semi-automatic handgun was found inside Dalton’s vehicle, but investigators are still working to determine if that gun was the weapon used in the crimes.

Ed Davis of the Uber Safety Advisory Board told ABC’s “Good Morning America” today that there was “no background check that would have identified this man as a problem.”

“There is a full background check done on all driver partners for Uber,” Davis said. “And this individual had the background check completed and there was nothing in his background to indicate he was a problem. He had no record whatsoever.

“He was a father, a husband,” Davis said. “He was described by the police chief in Kalamazoo as a regular guy, exactly the type of guy that any corporation would like to hire.”

Davis, a former Boston Police Commissioner, called Uber “one of the safest platforms I’ve ever dealt with,” adding that “Uber is constantly looking at their security procedures and updating them and that situation will continue.”

The Dalton family said in a statement today: “This type of violence has no place in our society, and we express our love and support for everyone involved. We intend to cooperate in every way that we can to help determine why and how this occurred.”

ABC News’ Alex Perez contributed to this report.

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